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22 July 2025

By Ilam Khan

Since May 2025, the newly merged districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Pakhtunkhwa), including North Waziristan, South Waziristan, Bajaur, Mohmand, Kurram, and Khyber, have witnessed a powerful new wave of public protests and sit-ins, commonly referred to as Pasoon (sit-in).

While the conflict and its impact are not new, this current wave of protests in July 2025 represents a significant turning point. Unlike isolated demonstrations in the past, these sit-ins are organized, sustained, and coordinated across multiple districts, drawing people together regardless of political or sectarian affiliation.

The causes behind these protests are multifaceted: a renewed surge in militant activity, military actions, forced disappearances, rising targeted killings, arbitrary curfews, and most critically, a growing perception that the resurgence of violence is being used as a cover to assert state control over the region’s rich mineral resources. Many locals believe the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Mines and Minerals Bill is an attempt to bypass their customary land rights and remove them from decisions over the natural wealth of their homeland.

These protests are not based on any single political ideology. Instead, they come from years of frustration and feeling left out. People are asking basic but important questions: Who controls our land? Who protects us? Who gets the benefit of our resources? Who represents us? For many in these areas, the answer is clear—neither the government nor the military is truly listening. Now, they believe that only their united voice can bring change.

North Waziristan: Mirali’s Protest

The sit-in in Mirali, North Waziristan, began after a deadly drone strike in Hormuz killed four children. But this was only the tipping point. Residents had long endured curfew, frequent armed clashes between rival TTP factions, security arrangement, making locats’ mobility diffult, and military operations in the area. These conditions forced Mirali’s residents to occupy roads, shut down trade, and voice their demands publicly.

The protesters called for an end to extrajudicial killings and drone operations, the dismantling of military checkpoints, and the reopening of the Ghulam Khan trade route to Afghanistan, essential for local livelihoods. They demanded justice for victims of both militancy and military operations, along with a return to civilian life in a region that has felt more like a garrison than a home.

In a symbolic act of reconciliation, local officials offered a nanawatey, a traditional form of apology, but it fell short of calming the deep mistrust. Friday prayers were held on the streets as a form of resistance. The movement revealed not just frustration, but a clear political message: we are no longer silent victims; we are citizens demanding rights.

South Waziristan: Wana’s Push for Civilian Supremacy

In Wana, the headquarters of South Waziristan, the Muttahida Siyasi Aman Pasoon (United Political Peace Movement) led a sit-in that began on July 6, 2025, and continued till 18th of July. Thousands of people, including youth, traders, elders, and political workers, gathered in the central bazaar. Their demands were clear and echoed across mosques and loudspeakers: end insecurity, stop forced disappearances, reopen the Angoor Adda trade route, ensure local control over minerals, and do not launch new military operations without public consent.

This protest was rooted in a specific context: the visible return of militants, rising extortion, and clashes between armed groups and security forces in areas like Azam Warsak. People feared a return to the dark days of militancy. But they also feared another military operation, which would once again displace families and destroy livelihoods.

Supported by political parties including ANP, JUI-F, and the PTM, the protest was remarkable for its peaceful discipline. Public life in Wana came to a halt, but the movement only grew. Protesters even refused negotiations unless demands were documented in writing. The sit-in has since evolved into a symbol of local resistance against militarization and exclusion. Through press briefings, social media campaigns, and community solidarity, Wana’s citizens are reshaping the discourse on security, calling not for more force but for inclusive peace.

Bajaur: Grief Transformed into Collective Defiance

The situation in Bajaur took a tragic turn with the assassination of Maulana Khanzeb, a senior figure in the Awami National Party and a member of its central cabinet. On July 10, while actively mobilizing support for a planned sit-in on July 13, he was killed by unknown gunmen, referred to locally as part of “the unknown.” Before this target killing, a deadly bomb blast had already killed five people, including an assistant commissioner of the district.

Maulana Khanzeb had already campaigned in three major bazaars and was enroute to the fourth when he was assassinated. Despite the mourning period, Bajaur’s local political workers chose to proceed with the planned protest, declaring that “this sacrifice cannot go in vain.”

Tens of thousands attended, including delegations from Dir and Mohmand, and the protest quickly became one of the largest the district has seen in recent memory. Their demands were specific: the arrest of Maulana Khanzeb’s killers, dismantling of militant checkpoints and their free movements, and the withdrawal of the Mines and Minerals Bill that locals believe will hand over ownership of their land and resources to outside forces without consent or royalty.

What began as a district-level sit-in has now evolved into a cross-district movement demanding democratic ownership, justice, and protection. The large-scale demonstration prompted a swift, though unofficial, response from the security forces, who signaled agreement with some of the protestors’ concerns.

Separately, a high-level government meeting, attended by the Chief Minister and other provincial ministers, was held in Peshawar, where they expressed solidarity with the public. During the meeting, the Chief Minister announced a grant of 10 million rupees for the family of Maulana Khanzeb.

Despite these gestures, the threat of militancy remains. Security forces have launched aerial strikes using helicopters against suspected terrorist hideouts, but residents claim these actions have had little effect. They argue that such operations are not aimed at eliminating militants but are instead being used to intimidate and displace the civilian population. Political and social actors in the district continue to oppose any form of military operation in the area.

Mohmand: Rising in Solidarity

Inspired by events in Waziristan and Bajaur, the people of Mohmand called for a large sit-in on July 18. A coalition of political leaders and youth activists led preparations. While Mohmand had remained relatively calm in recent months, the spillover effects of insecurity, disenfranchisement, and policy alienation pushed its people to act.

The planned protest focused on demands that echoed those of their neighbors: permanent peace, an end to arbitrary arrests, constitutional protection for land rights, and the right to represent themselves in any security or policy discussions.

When the government proposed a dialogue via a Central Jirga, locals saw it as a top-down, symbolic move reminiscent of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) era. They rejected it outright, stating that such initiatives without grassroots consultation are meaningless. Despite additional troop deployment, protesters remained undeterred and committed to non-violent resistance.

Emerging Unity and National Silence

A key feature of this movement is its unprecedented unity. Rival political factions, sectarian groups, youth organizations, and elders are setting aside differences to stand together. Hate speech has been deliberately avoided, and the protests have remained peaceful. Public prayers, road blockades, and bazaar closures have all been used as tools of collective resistance.

The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Mines and Minerals Bill is a shared grievance across districts. Locals believe it undermines their historical relationship with the land, bypasses customary systems of ownership, and pushes them out of economic participation. The Central Jirga, meanwhile, is widely rejected for its lack of transparency and local legitimacy.

Government Response and Way Forward

The government’s response has been limited and mostly symbolic:

• A nanawatey (public apology) was offered in North Waziristan.
• Security forces have entered dialogue in some places, but without commitment.
• No senior minister from Islamabad or Peshawar has publicly addressed the protestors.
• Debates on the Minerals Bill have reportedly been silenced in the provincial assembly.

However, the sheer size and unity of the movement have begun to force some shifts. Informal dialogue has started in some areas. The issue of land and security is back in national discourse. But for the people of the merged districts, symbolic gestures are no longer enough.

Conclusion

The protests in Pakhtunkhwa’s newly merged districts are not about ideology; they are about ownership, survival, and justice. These communities have suffered through displacement, war, and economic collapse. Their demand is simple: a peaceful life with dignity, local control, and equal citizenship. If the state continues with symbolic appeasement while ignoring structural grievances, it risks alienating the very citizens it promised to integrate. The people have spoken, Pasoon is not just a protest; it is a political awakening.